{"id":1244,"date":"2021-06-11T14:00:11","date_gmt":"2021-06-11T14:00:11","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/?p=1244"},"modified":"2021-06-11T14:00:11","modified_gmt":"2021-06-11T14:00:11","slug":"plaza-dancing-body-shape-and-yangsheng-practices-among-older-women-in-urban-china","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/plaza-dancing-body-shape-and-yangsheng-practices-among-older-women-in-urban-china\/","title":{"rendered":"Plaza Dancing, Body Shape and Yangsheng Practices Among Older Women in Urban China"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><a class=\"twitter-share-button\" href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/intent\/tweet?text=Read - Older Chinese Women\u2019s Plaza Dancing, Body Shape and Yangsheng Practices - on the Contemporary China Centre Blog http:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/older-chinese-womens-plaza-dancing-body-shape-and-yangsheng-practices\/\"><img decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-456\" src=\"http:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/49\/2016\/02\/twitter_share_icon_wordpress-1-300x100.png\" alt=\"Share this post in Twitter\" width=\"80\" height=\"26\" \/><\/a><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">Written by Li Sheng<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">In public urban spaces, among a number of entertainment activities and exercises (e.g. running, Taiji, speed-walking, etc.), plaza dancing (\u5e7f\u573a\u821e <em>guangchangwu<\/em>) stands out. Plaza dance, as a kind of collective leisure activity, is a mixture of dance and gymnastics, and incorporates a variety of dancing styles, including folk dance and pop dance. It has its roots in both y<em>angge <\/em>\u79e7\u6b4c, a popular folk dance said to have originated during the Song Dynasty and later incorporated into the CCP\u2019s propaganda campaigns from the Yan\u2019an years, and later <em>zhongziwu<\/em>\u00a0\u5fe0\u5b57\u821e or \u2018loyalty dance\u2019 that was practiced to praise Chairman Mao (<a href=\"https:\/\/ijoc.org\/index.php\/ijoc\/article\/view\/5607\">Chao 2017<\/a>). Plaza dancing has grown in popularity since the reform era. In the run up to the Olympic Games in Beijing in 2008, the dance was widely promoted by national fitness policies from the General Administration of Sport (\u56fd\u5bb6\u4f53\u80b2\u603b\u5c40 <em>guojia tiyu zongju<\/em>), as well as the Ministry of Culture (\u56fd\u5bb6\u6587\u5316\u90e8 <em>guojia wenhua bu<\/em>) (<a href=\"https:\/\/36kr.com\/p\/1720959926273\">Fang 2015<\/a>; <a href=\"https:\/\/julac.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com\/primo-explore\/fulldisplay?docid=CUHK_IZ51997962350003407&amp;vid=CUHK&amp;search_scope=Theses&amp;tab=default_tab&amp;lang=zh_CN&amp;context=L\">Wang 2015<\/a>).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">Plaza dance is mainly practiced by dama \u5927\u5988, which literally means \u2018big mama\u2019, though is more generally translated as \u2018aunt\u2019. Dama is generally used to refer to middle-aged and older women in the PRC. Most of these dancers are retired and live in cities. In the mornings and evenings, groups of women dance in public spaces such as plazas and parks. Most of the plaza dance groups are self-organised or partly supported by local government. Recently, many TV stations have held plaza dance competitions and plaza dancing- themed TV shows. Statistics show that there are approximately 100 million plaza dancers in mainland China in 2015 (<a href=\"https:\/\/36kr.com\/p\/1720959926273\">Fang, 2015<\/a>).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">This article is based on my three-month ethnographic research in the city of Nanjing in 2016. I joined three different plaza dance groups and did 29 in-depth interviews with female plaza dancers. Most of my interviewees were born in the 1950s and 1960s. According to my research data, there are a number of reasons behind the popularity of plaza dancing, such as its low-cost, women\u2019s early retirement, increasing internal migration, cosmetic reasons (e.g. maintaining an ideal body shape) and medical benefits. My interviewees told me about their everyday plaza dancing stories and how regular exercises helped them \u2018improve\u2019 body shape. Many of my participants praised the flat bellies and slender waists of the plaza dance teachers in their groups. When I asked one of the women, named Han Yijun, who grew up in an upper-class family and had retired from work, whether she cared about her body shape, she replied:<\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center\"><em><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">Of course I do. My main reason for doing plaza dance is maintaining my body shape. I have lost one kilogram recently, and I would like to maintain my current weight. It\u2019s raining a lot these days, and I\u2019m a bit anxious that if I stop dancing for quite a long time owing to the weather, I will gain weight again.<\/span><\/em><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">Another plaza dance participant named Tian Changying, who used to work in a private company, also told me about the effectiveness of losing weight through plaza dancing: \u2018Before I joined this group, I weighed 69 kg. And after dancing for half a year, I\u2019ve gone down to 61 kg. It\u2019s the best way to lose weight.\u2019<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">Since the economic reform in the late 1980s, China\u2019s beauty economy has been booming. There is a revival of hyper-femininity and an \u2018upgrading\u2019 from \u2018ripe\u2019 women (\u719f\u5973 <em>shun\u00fc<\/em>) to \u2018tender\u2019 women (\u5ae9\u5973 <em>nenn\u00fc<\/em>), which celebrate female youthfulness (<a href=\"https:\/\/www.journals.uchicago.edu\/doi\/10.1086\/655913\">Yang, 2011<\/a>). Slenderness is closely associated with youthfulness and bodily ideal in today\u2019s popular culture. From these plaza dancers\u2019 narratives, we can see that these pressures to conform to mainstream beauty ideals are highly prominent in urban physical culture.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\"><img fetchpriority=\"high\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone size-medium wp-image-1246 aligncenter\" src=\"http:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/49\/2021\/06\/Li-2-300x225.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"300\" height=\"225\" \/><\/span><\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center\"><em>Photo 2 A dama doing makeup for another dama before the final round of the plaza dance competition (Photo by author)<\/em><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">The image of damas in mainstream media is often negative; they are routinely stigmatised as overweight and unattractive (<a href=\"https:\/\/julac.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com\/primo-explore\/fulldisplay?docid=CUHK_IZ51997962350003407&amp;vid=CUHK&amp;search_scope=Theses&amp;tab=default_tab&amp;lang=zh_CN&amp;context=L\">Wang, 2015<\/a>). Owing to the general stereotypical assumptions of older women, some older women in my study did not want to identify themselves with the damas. I asked my respondents: \u2018Do you think that you are a dama?\u2019 Among these 29 middle-aged and older women, almost half of them said yes and half of them said no. They refused to call themselves damas because they preferred to identify themselves on the basis of their subjective mental age. Ning said:<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">Our group\u2019s name is \u2018Wonder Damas\u2019, but I\u2019m not a dama. I think I\u2019m still young. Although I\u2019m in my sixties, I think I\u2019m like a 20-year-old young person. I\u2019m as young as today\u2019s young people. My mental age is rather young.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">Likewise, Tian Changying said: \u2018I don\u2019t like people calling me dama or granny. I don\u2019t think I am a dama, at least I\u2019m not a dama mentally. I feel that I\u2019m like a 40-year-old person. I\u2019m more energetic than before.\u2019<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">The rising aging population in China has been a source of concern for the state in terms of welfare and care provision (<a href=\"https:\/\/journalofchinesesociology.springeropen.com\/articles\/10.1186\/s40711-016-0036-z\">Tu, 2016<\/a>; <a href=\"https:\/\/journalofchinesesociology.springeropen.com\/articles\/10.1186\/s40711-016-0050-1\">Jackson and Liu, 2017<\/a>). Promoted by the government and the market economy, the notion of <em>yangsheng\u00a0<\/em>\u517b\u751f (meaning &#8216;defensive health-keeping&#8217;, literally \u2018nurturing life\u2019) draws from Traditional Chinese Medicine. It is now appears across health education campaigns and media discourse to emphasize individual responsibility and decision-making for one\u2019s own health (<a href=\"https:\/\/journals.sagepub.com\/doi\/10.1177\/1469540514553714\">Sun, 2016<\/a>). As a kind of self-care management, <em>yangsheng<\/em> has become a new norm among older Chinese people, many of whom fear becoming a burden to their children (especially those who are of single-child families owing to the one-child policy) (<a href=\"https:\/\/link.springer.com\/10.1007\/s10823-011-9149-7\">Liang, 2011<\/a>; <a href=\"https:\/\/journalofchinesesociology.springeropen.com\/articles\/10.1186\/s40711-016-0036-z\">Tu, 2016<\/a>).<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\">In my fieldwork, through their dancing practices in the discourse of \u2018defensive health-keeping\u2019, older women are continually regulated and self-regulated in order to attain various sociocultural ideals (e.g. being healthy, independent, active, or slim). Their efforts may challenge the stereotypical (usually negative) image of older Chinese women. However, at the same time, plaza dancing and its related notions of <em>yangsheng<\/em> also further entrenches sociocultural norms around beauty, weight and ageing.<\/span><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-size: 14pt\"><em>Li Sheng received her Ph.D. in Women&#8217;s Studies from the University of York, UK. She is currently a lecturer at Department of Labour and Social Security, Ginling College, Nanjing Normal University. She is working on older people\u2019s everyday lives in urban areas. Her work and research interests have focused on older Chinese people\u2019s (especially older women\u2019s) leisure activities, social lives, and health-related issues. A latest publication of her research (exploring older Chinese women\u2019s embodied practices) can be found <a href=\"https:\/\/www.cambridge.org\/core\/journals\/ageing-and-society\/article\/abs\/embodying-ageing-middleaged-and-older-womens-bodily-fitness-and-aesthetics-in-urban-china\/6A24AD97E22280656DCFA214F30FF8ED\">here<\/a><\/em><em>. Featured image shows a<strong>\u00a0<\/strong>plaza dance show held by local government and was taken by the author.<\/em><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Written by Li Sheng In public urban spaces, among a number of entertainment activities and exercises (e.g. running, Taiji, speed-walking, etc.), plaza dancing (\u5e7f\u573a\u821e guangchangwu) stands out. Plaza dance, as a kind of collective leisure activity, is a mixture of&#8230;<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":248,"featured_media":1245,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[20],"tags":[24,59,85,109,170],"class_list":["post-1244","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-special-commentary","tag-age","tag-dance","tag-gender","tag-leisure","tag-sport"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1244","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/248"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1244"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1244\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/1245"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1244"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1244"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blog.westminster.ac.uk\/contemporarychina\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1244"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}